Evaluation of Jurisdiction of International Court of Justice on the Basis of Consent
Introduction
The ICJ (International Court of Justice) is the
principal judicial organ of the United Nations. ICJ was established to help
materialize the fundamental objectives of the UN, i.e., maintenance of peace
and a stable world order. It is the only international court that has a universal character of general
jurisdiction on all kinds of legal disputes between members of the United
Nations. ICJ is the continuation of PCIJ. PCIJ held in the advisory opinion on the Status of Eastern Carelia (1923) that no State can, without its consent, be
compelled to submit its disputes to any
other kind of pacific settlement. This
is called “principle of consent”. Consent
is the fundamental difference between the international and domestic legal order. The
Court has a dual jurisdiction i.e. jurisdiction in contentious cases and
advisory jurisdiction. This paper specifically discusses on contentious cases.
Jurisdiction of ICJ on the basis of Consent
The jurisdiction of the Court in contentious proceedings is based on the
consent of the States. The form in which this
consent is expressed determines the manner in which a case may be brought
before the Court. The forms of jurisdictions are listed below:
- Jurisdiction by special agreement:
- Jurisdiction established by treaty:
- Compulsory Jurisdiction:
- Jurisdiction by Forum Prorogatum Doctrine:
ICJ as the World Court
It
was looked forward to the ICJ as an ultimate tribunal in which all legal
disputes would be settled. However the court is least used among the organs of
the UN. Instead of submitting their disputes to this court, most states have resorted
to all available means to avoid its jurisdiction. The ICJ website mentions that
in nearly 70 years of the formation of the world court i.e. from 1945 to 2014
only around 120 cases were filed and out of 194 states not even 100 states have
participated in court proceedings till date. So it can be inferred that ICJ has not been able to acquire the status of World
Court till date. Initially it was being avoided by less powerful nations and
now even the powerful nations have started to avoid it. A sign to prove it is
that only one out of the five permanent members of the security council has
accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of the court i.e. UK. When ICJ found that
jurisdiction was satisfied US withdrew consent from the compulsory jurisdiction
after the Nicaragua case while France also withdrew from compulsory jurisdiction
after ICJ took a case without France’s consent in the early 1970s.
ICJ
has maintained neutrality for considering the principles of state
responsibility and doctrines of state sovereignty and equality of the states.
So it acts as a third party rather than super power. So the states are free to
accept the third party and free not to do so which is called non-engagement and
once they have done so they can always remove themselves from jurisdiction
called disengagement. Consensual methods are affected by problem of this
‘opportunistic engagement’. So there can be abuse of rights, in defiance to
principle of good faith can occur time and again.
In addition to the
above problems of consensual proceedings an additional problem is that of the
legitimacy. The court derives jurisdiction competence from the consent of the
states. Judges exercise their
function in absence of explicit mandate and are relying on implicit powers.
Thus a question is raised whether ICJ can be a world court without having
legitimacy.Requirement of Reform or Broader Interpretation:
Many
authors propose for a shift from consensual to compulsory paradigm. It must be
stressed that the shift of paradigm from consensual to compulsory does not mean
that the principle of consent has been extinguished. However, compulsory
paradigm would be rather unproblematic if it had taken place homogeneously
throughout the globe, across legal regimes.
Aerial Incident of Pakistan v. India, preferring to rely
on other reservations. In this case Pakistan instituted proceedings against
India for its destruction on 10 August 1999 of a Pakistani aircraft; it alleged
that in the period leading up to the Indian general election in 1999 India had adopted
an aggressive posture over Kashmir which had culminated in this incident. An
unarmed Pakistani aircraft had been conducting a training mission over
Pakistani territory and had been struck by an air-to-air missile from an Indian
combat aircraft, killing 16 officers. The Court found that it had no
jurisdiction under the Optional Clause and the 1928 General Act. This decision
by India not to invoke its reservation on hostilities is a significant
indication of the sensitive and problematic nature of the reservation. States
may not want to acknowledge a situation of armed conflict. They may not want to
risk a Court judgment on the wider dispute; they may not want to accept the
possibility of the application of laws of war. States never consent by declarations to complex issue but only simple issues.
This is done in consideration to political issues that may be at stake.
So
there should be some reform in optional clause by tightening up right of
immediate termination of the declaration. It could be done by making
declarations compulsory to be made for not less than a specified minimum
period, say 5 or 10 years, and even after that they should be terminable only
after a year's or at least six months' notice. Secondly, the unrestricted power
to make reservations should be curtailed. German scholars believe
that it is reasonable to call international law “a legal system”. This
classification necessarily implies that the courts within that system possess
certain powers and the courts’ powers therefore allow them to go beyond the
intentions of states in developing international law.
The
question of proprio motu (on its own
initiative) though has not been applied yet can be relevant here. Whether or
not the ICJ could initiate cases on its own without the consent of states to
maintain international peace and security is a question raised in the court
itself. As principal judicial organ it had been assigned a role for the
maintenance of international peace and security and therefore should have acted
proprio motu in cases concerning legality
of Use of Force. Certain judges argued that the Court should not have refused
to make an order for provisional measures. Yugoslavia had asked the Court to
order ten NATO states to cease immediately their acts of use of force in
Kosovo. Judge Shi in his Dissenting Opinion said that faced with the urgent
situation the Court ought to have contributed to the maintenance of
international peace and security so far as its judicial functions permitted. However such changes would
make an unusual impact rather than a progressive one.
ICJ
cannot go beyond the statute and UN Charter but it can take bold steps within
the periphery. Although there was
concern at the time of the Nicaragua case that the USA’s withdrawal from the
case and subsequent denunciation of the Optional Clause might harm the Court,
it seems that the opposite has proved true. After this decision developing states have been more willing to turn to the
Court since the judgment in the Nicaragua case. Libya and Iran have felt encouraged to use the Court in cases against the USA. This is a positive change that has been seen.
The ICJ can step to
accept its jurisdiction in all matters of UN Charter and should enjoy the power
of the Court to decide a dispute as to its own jurisdiction in a given case. Thus
broader interpretation of the statute should be done rather than in strict
sense.
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